The events unfolding at Olympus Corp. in Japan are nothing short of stunning. It's too early to say with any certainty whether there was any malfeasance, but what facts are certain suggest that corporate governance in the company left something to be desired. A newly installed chief executive fired after 30 years with the company but only a few weeks in post would be bad enough. The company says it was a personal and cultural mismatch. "Michael C. Woodford has largely diverted from the rest of the management team in regard to the management direction and method, and it is now causing problems for decision making by the management team," it said. That doesn't chime with the Woodford having already brandished an auditor's report on television questioning the propriety and even legality of payments to advisers totalling two-thirds of a billion dollars. Had the board hoped that a British CEO would not be willing or able to look into advisory fees amounting to a third of the value of a takeover? That the advisers in question seem to have disappeared from the Caribbean tax haven they once occupied is one of the allegations that both the Serious Fraud Office in the UK and the US Federal Bureau of Investigations will now seek to examine. A fine mess. We might even call it a Greek tragedy, if the Greeks themselves hadn't been occupying that position in the eurozone mess.
In the corporate governance world, Japan is often seen as a counterpoint to the Anglo-American way of working. Japanese governance follows a "stakeholder" approach, in which shareholders are only one of a number of constituencies the board must take into account. Rapacious capitalism of the US and UK variety is thus held at bay. The "agency problem" that dominates worries in the large capital markets is supposed to play less of a role. Perhaps.
But in this case the disclosures from the company served only to confuse the issues, as in the October 19 news release that detailed but did not clarify the fee structure. Disclosure ought to involve understanding as well as facts. Whose "agency" – whose decision and choice – was involved in selecting the agents for the acquisitions? Whose "agency" agreed the sums involved, even if, as the company's statements declare, the transactions will eventually pay off.
So, a new CEO, then a new chairman ("president" in the terminology used at Olympus), a new auditor – and a new beginning? Perhaps.
They will have a mountain to climb to win back respect for a company that makes rather nice cameras. Reputation is more than customer satisfaction.
Source documents: The Olympus news headlines page contains links to the various documents issued. The October 19 news release is a four-page pdf file. The October 27 statement is a 10-page pdf.
When the votes were finally counted the News Corp. board of directors won re-election. But if we leave aside those from the Murdoch family and close allies, the story we can read from the rest of the votes suggest that shareholders wanted to rock the boat, but not too much. Sure, a majority of the so-called "independent" shareholders votes against having James and Lachlan – Rupert Murdoch's two sons on the board – as directors. They also vented almost equal anger, though, at Natalie Bancroft, who has represented the Bancroft family since they agreed, reluctantly, to accept News Corp.'s controversial 2007 bid for Dow Jones & Co., the company they once controlled. But the octogenarian chairman and CEO saw much more modest dissent. And the shareholder resolution to split the chairman and CEO role garnered little more than 1.5 million votes, of more than 680 million cast. Read another way, barely 0.2 per cent supported the iconic mechanism of corporate governance, and only about a third of a per cent of the "independents".
It's been coming for quite a while, but now it's official: The UK Office of Fair Trading has asked the Competition Commission to conduct an inquiry into the dominance of the Big Four accountancy firms in the market for audit services. The decision confirms a provisional decision a few months ago and put the firms under careful scrutiny. Regulatory attention to audit has been mounting as the number of audit firms has shrunk and evidence of competition for mandates has dried up. The OFT said that in 2010, the four largest firms – PricewaterhouseCoopers, KPMG, Deloitte and Ernst & Young – earned 99 per cent of audit fees paid by FTSE-100 companies. That should come as no surprise, as only one of the 100 companies uses an auditor other than the Big Four.
The European Commission has proposed a radical rethink of the rules that govern trading in securities in the 27 member states of the European Union. The Markets in Financial Instruments Directive, known as MiFID, came into force in 2007. That's ages ago, the commission seems to be saying. "In recent years, financial markets have changed enormously. New trading venues and products have come onto the scene and technological developments such as high frequency trading have altered the landscape," it noted. The lessons of the financial crisis have to be taken into account as well, and it wants to close the loophole that have seen derivatives trading on "organised trading facilities" originally intended for the underlying instruments only. Small and medium-sized companies need better access to equity capital markets. High frequency trading needs to be better regulated, and "dark pools" will get greater sunlight through increased transparency.
Damned if you do. Damned if you don't. Voting the shares you own – or don't own – is fraught with issues. Let's look for a minute at the "old" way most companies in Europe ran their voting. If you hold the shares, you vote. It's straightforward, unambiguous, and it stinks. It was designed for old capital, before capital had markets. It was clear cut, but it assumed you rarely if ever traded shares. It suited the families who set up the companies and the financiers who provided early and long-term capital. But it made it difficult for any "modern" institutional investor to exercise voting rights, and thus entrenched the rights of certain shareholders at the cost of all the others. As capital markets developed, pressure on European Union practices led to the adoption of something like the US and UK practice of record dates. Holders of shares on a certain date – often about two weeks before the shareholders meeting – are entitled to vote. That way, active traders can draw a line under things and vote. As they buy one day, sell the next, then buy again, it didn't matter too much that some might be voting when they didn't actually own the shares and others who did might not be able to. A compromise, and not too messy. But then comes high frequency trading, stock lending, leverage short positions, and presto: you've got the problem often called "empty voting": large-scale investments where the economic interest runs counter to the shareholding.
As part of its greater public assertiveness, the Association of British Insurers has decided it's time to make noise about executive pay. But it focuses not on the level of pay as such, but rather on the processes through which companies reward top management. The ABI, a trade association representing organisations that are both companies and investors, thinks shareholders have a role to play in the process, alongside boards and board remuneration committees. Moreover, policies and pay structures could do with some fresh ideas.